Was the Polish - or Czech - plumber to blame for the French "No"?
The dramatic outcome of the French referendum on the European constitution remains the big headline in the Czech Republic. Politicians, political commentators and editorial writers disagree about what the vote means for this country, but all agree that the French "No" will have major repercussions across the continent. While the Czech government has expressed disappointment, and is trying to salvage hope from the charred remains of the constitution project, one public figure in this country has responded with unconcealed delight - that's President Vaclav Klaus.
"The laughable attempts of some European politicians to act as if this wasn't really the case, and to play down the results of this referendum in Europe's second biggest country - well it has to be said that these attempts are vain and unnecessary."
But there is a paradox in Mr Klaus's words. He opposes the constitution because he sees it as too left-wing, relying on outmoded models of the social state. The majority of those in France who rejected the constitution did so for exactly the opposite reason, claiming that it was a product of a right-wing Anglo-Saxon vision of the continent's future.
One of the symbols of the French "No" campaign was the "Polish plumber". This was a dig at workers from Central Europe, coming to France, and seen as undercutting French labour costs and feeding unemployment. But was the accusation fair? I spoke to political scientist, Nicolas Maslowski, who is himself half French and half-Polish, and works in Prague at CEFRES - the French-financed Institute for Research in Social Sciences for Central Europe.
"The fear of the Polish plumber became a symbol, a symbol of a danger for France and a symbol of the possibility to make a social criticism of the constitution project. The constitution became a symbol of the EU enlargement and the Polish plumber the symbol of the social danger of cheap labour against the French social model."
Statistically is there any justification for this fear?"No, there is no justification. I think there are less than a hundred Polish plumbers in France."
And generally speaking does labour from Central and Eastern Europe play a significant role on the French labour market?
"It does not at all, and there was no real growth of unemployment in France since the enlargement. If there was some labour migration it was rather to England or to the Netherlands."
So do you think essentially that it's just been a question of politicians finding an easy slogan to build on and feeding on fears and latent nationalism in the broader French public?
"Totally. That's what I think. I think that nationalism is not always called nationalism. Sometimes it's called republicanism, which is a way to feel like being socialist and fighting for social rights, but in reality it's hiding nationalism."
In the long run it's not in Frances interests to be isolated in Europe. Do you think they will find some kind of way out at the same time as saving face?
"For years France and Germany were leaders of the EU, and being together they had no problem to find a majority of votes for their projects. After enlargement they have to learn to make a larger majority. It's not so easy and maybe that's the reason why politicians were creating so many conflicts, giving the population the feeling that France is losing on the European level. I think that in future they will learn to make a larger majority, maybe with Spain and Poland, maybe on some points with England. We will see."We also went out into the streets of Prague for a taste of Czech public opinion in the wake of the French no. Here are what a few people in the streets around the radio had to say - in response to the question - will they vote for the constitution, if it comes to a Czech referendum?
Man: "I shall definitely vote no."
Man: "Well I don't know. Personally I'm something of a Eurosceptic. I can't belief that countries with such different views on so many things will ever be able to agree as a single unit. The European constitution is just an example."
Woman: "I don't really understand it, and I don't know what to do. I've really no idea if it's good or bad."
Man: "I don't know. I expect to decide later. I will be careful because of the effect of the French referendum."
Woman: "I'm not very interested in politics and I'm not resolved yet."
So generally speaking a lack of Euro-enthusiasm there from the handful of people we spoke with in the streets of Prague. At this stage it isn't even clear whether there will still be a referendum as planned by the government on the constitution. From President Klaus's reaction to the French result, it is clear that he, for one, will not be supporting the idea.